Autobiograpy and The Discovery of India — have been my companions PREFACE. This book was written by me in Ahmadnagar Fort prison during and Persian; the modern languages were Hindi, Urdu, Bengali,. Gujarati. This is a book written by Pt. JawaharLal Nehru in JAWAHARLAL NEHRU The Discovery of India JAWAHARLAL NEHRU The On revising the book in prison I took advantage of these suggestions and made some Whatever the word we may use, Indian or Hindi or Hindus- tani, for our .

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Jawaharlal Nehru wrote the book 'The Discovery of India', during his imprisonment at Ahmednagar fort for participating in the Quit India Movement ( Download {Discovery कोचिंग} Indian Economics Notes pdf Hindi –आज Book Name: “Discovery कोचिंग भारतीय अर्थव्यवस्था. Download Free PDF. In Katherine Mayo, a foreign journalist, visited India. She wrote a book called 'Mother India'. It was about Indian civilization, culture.

And something of his courage and determination spread among the members of the Communist Party and other workers in Russia.

But, as I have told you, this Five Year Plan brought much suffering, and difficulties and dislocation. And people paid a terrible price willingly and accepted the sacrifices and sufferings for a few years in the hope of a better time afterwards; some paid the price unwillingly and only because of the compulsion of the Soviet Government. Among those who suffered most were the kulaks or richer peasants.

With their great wealth and special influence, they did not fit into the new scheme of things. They were capitalistic elements which prevented the collective farms from developing on socialist lines. Often they opposed this collectivization, sometimes they entered the collectives to weaken them from inside or to make undue personal profit out of them.

The Soviet Government came down heavily on them. The Government was also very hard on many middle-class people whom it suspected of espionage and sabotage on behalf of its enemies. Because of this, large numbers of engineers were punished and sent to gaol. The tremendous growth of the Soviet Union was in itself a remarkable sign of prosperity. It was not due, as in America, to immigration from outside. It showed that in spite of the privations and hardships of the people there was, as a general rule, no actual starvation.

A severe system of rationing managed to supply the absolutely necessary articles of food to the population. Competent observers tell us that this rapid growth of population is largely due to a feeling of economic security among the people.

Work remains, and must remain, though in the future it is likely to be pleasanter and lighter than in the trying early years of planning. Indeed, the maxim of the Soviet Union is: 'He that will not work, neither shall he eat. In the past, idealists and stray individuals have been moved to activity by this incentive, but there is no previous instance of society as a whole accepting and reacting to this motive. The very basis of capitalism was competition and individual profit, always at the expense of others.

This profit motive is giving place to the social motive in the Soviet Union and, as an American writer says, workers in Russia are learning that, 'from the acceptance of mutual dependence comes independence from want or fear'.

This elimination of the terrible fear of poverty and insecurity, which bears down upon the masses everywhere, is a great achievement. It is said that this relief has almost put an end to mental diseases in the Soviet Union. I shall tell you just a few odd facts which might interest you. The educational system in Russia is supposed by many competent judges to be the best and most up-to-date in existence.

The old palaces of the Tsars and the nobility have now become museums and rest-houses and sanatoria for the people I suppose the old palaces now serve the purpose of children and young people. Children and the young are the favoured persons in Soviet land today, and they get the best of everything, even though others might suffer lack.

It is for them that the present generation labours, for it is they who will inherit the socialised and scientific State, if that finally comes into existence in their time.

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Soviet Russia has been behaving internationally very much as a satisfied Power, avoiding all trouble, and trying to keep peace at all costs. This is the opposite of a revolutionary policy which would aim at fomenting revolution in other countries. It is a national policy of building up socialism in a single country and avoiding all complications outside. Necessarily, this results in compromises with imperialist and capitalist Powers.

But the essential socialist basis of Soviet economy continues, and the success of this is itself the most powerful argument in favour of socialism. The conflict between capitalism and democracy is inherent and continuous; it is often hidden by misleading propaganda and by the outward forms of democracy, such as parliaments, and the sops that the owning classes throw to the other classes to keep them more or less contented.

A time comes when there are no more sops left to be thrown, and then the conflict between the two groups comes to a head, for now the struggle is for the real thing, economic power in the State. When that stage comes, all the supporters of capitalism, who had so far played with different parties, band themselves together to face the danger to their vested interests.

Liberals and such-like groups disappear, and the forms of democracy are put aside. This stage bas now arrived in Europe and America, and fascism, which is dominant in some form or other in mast countries, represents that stage. Labour is everywhere on the defensive, not strong enough to face this new and powerful consolidation of the forces of capitalism. And yet, strangely enough, the capitalist system itself totters and cannot adjust itself to the new world. It seems certain that even if it succeeds in surviving, it will be but another stage in the long conflict.

For modern industry and modern life itself, under any form of capitalism, are battlefields where armies are continually clashing against each other. The Soviet Union in Europe and Asia stands today a continuing challenge to the tottering capitalism of the western world.

While trade depression and slump and unemployment and repeated crises paralyse capitalism, and the old order gasps for breath, the Soviet Union is a land full of hope and energy and enthusiasm, feverishly building away and establishing the socialist order.

And this abounding youth and life, and the success the Soviet Union has already achieved, are impressing and attracting thinking people all over the world. Great progress was made and the standards of life went up, and are continually going up. Culturally and educationally, and in many other ways, the advance all over the Soviet Union has been remarkable.

Anxious to continue this advance and to consolidate its socialist economy, Russia consistently followed a peace policy in international affairs. In the League of Nations it stood for substantial disarmament, collective security, and corporate action against aggression.

It tried to accommodate itself to the capitalist Great Powers and, in consequence, Communist Parties sought to build up 'popular fronts' or 'joint fronts' with other progressive parties.

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In spite of this general progress and development, the Soviet Union passed throught a severe internal crisis during this period It is difficult for me to express a definite opinion about these trials or the events that led up to them, as the facts are complicated and not clear.

But it is undoubted that the trials disturbed large numbers of people, including many friends of Russia, and added to the prejudice against the Soviet Union.

Close observers are of opinion that there was a big conspiracy against the Stalinist regime and that the trials were bonafide.

It also seems to be established that there was no mass support behind the conspiracy, and that the reaction of the people was definitely against the opponents of Stalin. Nevertheless, the extent of the repression, which may have hit many innocent persons also, was a sign of ill-health, and injured the Soviet's position internationally.

The people inhabiting it [Palestine] are predominantly Muslim Arabs, and they demand freedom and unity with their fellow-Arabs of Syria. But the British policy has created a special minority problem here — that of the Jews — and the Jews side with the British and oppose the freedom of Palestine, as they fear that would mean Arab rule On the Arab side are numbers, on the other side great financial resources and the world-wide organization of Jewry The Jews are a very remarkable people.

Originally they were a small tribe, or several tribes, in Palestine, and their early story is told in the old Testament of the Bible. Rather conceited they were, thinking of themselves as the Chosen People, But this is a conceit in which nearly all people have indulged This declaration was made to win the good will of international Jewry, and this was important from the money point of view.

It was welcomed by most Jews. But there was one little drawback, one not unimportant fact seems to have been overlooked. Palestine was not a wilderness, or an empty, uninhabited place.

So that this generous gesture of the British Government was really at the expense of the people who already lived in Palestine, and these people, including Arabs, non- Arabs, Muslims, Christians, and , in fact, everybody who was not a Jew, protested vigorously at the declaration The Jewish population is already nearly a quarter of the Muslim population, and their economic power is far greater.

They seem to look forward to the day when they will be the dominant community in Palestine. The Arabs tried to gain their co-operation in the struggle for national freedom and democratic government, but they rejected these advances.

They have preferred to take sides with the foreign ruling Power, and have thus helped it to keep back freedom from the majority of the people. It is not surprising that this majority, comprising the Arabs, chiefly, and also the Christians, bitterly resent this attitude of the Jews. Soviet Russia: Some Random Sketches and Impressions [ edit ] [Russia is] a country which has many points of contact with ours and which has launched one of the mightiest experiments in history.

All the world is watching her, some with fear and hatred, and others with passionate hope and longing to follow in her path. But whichever view may be right, no one can deny the fascination of this strange Eurasian country of the hammer and sickle, where workers and peasants sit on the thrones of the mighty and upset the best-laid schemes of mice and men. For us in India the fascination is even greater, and even. We are a conservative people, not ever-fond of change, always trying to forget our present misery and degradation in vague fancies of our glorious past and immortal civilisation.

But the past is dead and gone and our immortal civilisation does not help us greatly in solving the problems of today. Russia thus interests us because it may help us to find some solution for the great problems which face the world today.

It interests us specially because conditions there have not been, and are not even now, very dissimilar to conditions in India. Both are vast agricultural countries with only the beginnings of industrialisation, and both have to face poverty and illiteracy. If Russia finds a satisfactory solution for these, our work in India is made easier.

It is right therefore that India should be eager to learn more about Russia.

So far her information has been largely derived from subsidised news agencies inimical to Russia, and the most fantastic stories about her have been circulated.

He Lenin lies asleep as it were and it is difficult to believe that he is dead. In life they say he was not beautiful to look at. He had too much of common clay in him and about him was the 'smell of the Russian soil'. But in death there is a strange beauty and his brow is peaceful and unclouded.

On his lips there hovers a smile and there is a suggestion of pugnacity, of work done and success achieved. He has a uniform on and one of his hands is lightly clenched.

Even in death he is the dictator. In India, he would certainly have been canonised, but saints are not held in repute in Soviet circles, and the people of Russia have done him the higher honour of loving him as one of themselves.

It is difficult for most of us to think of our ideals and our theories in terms of reality. We have talked and written of Swaraj for years, but when Swaraj comes it will probably take us by surprise.

We have passed the independence resolution at the Congress, and yet how many of us realise its full implications? How many belie it by their words and actions? For them it is something to be considered as a distant goal, not as a thing of today or tomorrow.

They talk of Swaraj and independence in their councils but their minds are full of reservations and their acts are feeble and halting. Nothing is perhaps more confusing to the student of Russia than the conflicting reports that come of the treatment of prisoners and of the criminal law. We are told of the Red Terror and ghastly and horrible details are provided for our consumption; we are also told that the Russian prison is an ideal residence where anyone can live in comfort and ease and with a minimum of restraint.

Our own visit to the chief prison in Moscow created a most favourable impression on our minds.

As we were very much pressed for time we were unable to see as much of the jail as we wanted to. We had an impression that we had been shown the brighter side of jail life. Nonetheless, two facts stood out. One was that we had actually seen desirable and radical improvements over the old system prevailing even now in most countries and the second and even more important fact was the mentality of the prison officials, and presumably the higher officials of the government also, in regard to jails.

Actual conditions may or may not be good but the general principles laid down for jails are certainly far in advance of anything we had known elsewhere in practice. Anyone with a knowledge of prisons in India and of the barbarous way in which handcuffs, fetters and other punishments are used will appreciate the difference. The governor of the prison in Moscow who took us round was all the time laying stress on the human side of jail life, and how it was their endeavour to keep this in the front and not to make the prisoner feel in any way dehumanised or outcasted.

I wish we in India would remember this wholesome principle and practise it in our daily lives even outside jail It can be said without a shadow of doubt that to be in a Russian prison is far more preferable than to be a worker in an Indian factory, whose lot is 10 to 11 hours work a day and then to live in a crowded and dark and airless tenement, hardly fit for an animal.

The mere fact that there are some prisons like the ones we saw is in itself something for the Soviet Government to be proud of. I remember attending a banquet given by the scientists and professors in Moscow. There were people from many countries present and speeches in a variety of languages were made. I remember specially a speech given by a young student who had come from far off Uruguay in South America He spoke in the beautiful sonorous periods of the Spanish language and he told us that he was going back to his distant country with the red star of Soviet Russia engraved in his heart and carrying the message of social freedom to his young comrades in Uruguay.

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Such was the reaction of Soviet Russia on his young and generous heart. And yet there are many who tell us that Russia is a land of anarchy and misery and the Bolsheviks are assassins and murderers who have cast themselves outside the pale of human society. But to understand the great drama of the Russian Revolution and the inner forces that shaped and brought the great change about, a study of cold theory is of little use.

The October Revolution was undoubtedly one of the great events of world history, the greatest since the first French Revolution, and its story is more absorbing, from the human and the dramatic point of view, than any We or phantasy.

Speech to the US Congress 13 October [ edit ] Where freedom is menaced or justice threatened or where aggression takes place, we cannot be and shall not be neutral. Full text of Speech Where freedom is menaced or justice threatened or where aggression takes place, we cannot be and shall not be neutral. We have achieved political freedom but our revolution is not yet complete and is still in progress, for political freedom without the assurance of the right to live and to pursue happiness, which economic progress alone can bring, can never satisfy a people.

Therefore, our immediate task is to raise the living standards of our people, to remove all that comes in the way of the economic growth of the nation. We have tackled the major problem of India, as it is today the major problem of Asia, the agrarian problem.

Much that was feudal in our system of land tenure is being changed so that the fruits of cultivation should go to the tiller of the soil and that he may be secure in the possession of the land he cultivates. In a country of which agriculture is still the principal industry, this reform is essential not only for the well-being and contentment of the individual but also for the stability of society.

One of the main causes of social instability in many parts of the world, more especially in Asia, is agrarian discontent due to the continuance of systems of land tenure which are completely out of place in the modem world. Another — and one which is also true of the greater part of Asia and Africa — is the low standard of living of the masses.

India is industrially more developed than many less fortunate countries and is reckoned as the seventh or eighth among the world's industrial nations. But this arithmetical distinction cannot conceal the poverty of the great majority of our people. To remove this poverty by greater production, more equitable distribution, better education and better health, is the paramount need and the most pressing task before us and we are determined to accomplish this task.

We realize that self-help is the first condition of success for a nation, no less than for an individual. We are conscious that ours must be the primary effort and we shall seek succour from none to escape from any part of our own responsibility.

But though our economic potential is great, its conversion into finished wealth will need much mechanical and technological aid. We shall, therefore, gladly welcome such aid and co-operation on terms that are of mutual benefit. We believe that this may well help in the solution of the larger problems that confront the world.

But we do not seek any material advantage in exchange for any part of our hard-won freedom. Autobiography ; ; [ edit ] Religion merges into mysticism and metaphysics and philosophy.

There have been great mystics, attractive figures, who cannot easily be disposed of as self-deluded fools. India is supposed to be a religious country above everything else, and Hindu and Muslim and Sikh and others take pride in their faiths and testify to their truth by breaking heads.

A leader or a man of action in a crisis almost always acts subconsciously and then thinks of the reasons for his action. To be in good moral condition requires at least as much training as to be in good physical condition. But that certainly does not mean asceticism or self-mortification.

Whether we believe in God or not, it is impossible not to believe in something, whether we call it a creative life-giving force, or vital energy inherent in matter which gives it its capacity for self-movement and change and growth, or by some other name, something that is as real, though elusive, as life is real when contrasted with death.

My intention was to trace, as far as I could, my own mental development and not write a survey of recent Indian history. My thoughts travelled more to other countries, and I watched and studied, as far as I could in goal, the world situation in the grip of the great depression. I lead as many books as I could find on the subject, and the more I read the more fascinated I grew.

India with her problems and struggles became just a part of this mighty world drama, of the great struggle of political and economic forces that was going on everywhere, nationally and internationally.

In that struggle my own sympathies went increasingly towards the communist side. I had long been drawn to socialism and communism, and Russia had appealed to me. Much in Soviet Russia I dislike - the ruthless suppression of all contrary opinion, the wholesale regimentation, the unnecessary violence as I thought in carrying out various policies. But there was no lack of violence and suppression in the capitalist world, and I realised more and more bow the very basis and foundation of our acquisitive society and property was violence.

Without violence it could not continue for many days. A measure of political liberty meant little indeed when the fear of starvation was always compelling the vast majority of people everywhere to submit to the will of the few, to the greater glory and advantage of the latter.

Violence was common in both places, but the violence of the capitalist order seemed inherent in it; whilst the violence of Russia, bad though it was, aimed at a new order based on peace and cooperation and real freedom for the masses.

With all her blunders, Soviet Russia had triumphed over enormous difficulties and taken great strides towards this new order. While the rest of the world was in the grip of the depression and going backward in some ways, in the Soviet country a great new world was being built up before our eyes. Russia, following the great Lenin, looked into the future and thought only of what was to be, while other countries lay numbed under the dead hand of the past and spent their energy in preserving the useless relics of a bygone age.

In particular, I was impressed by the reports of the great progress made by the backward regions of Central Asia under the Soviet regime.

In the balance, therefore, I was all in favour of Russia, and the presence and example of the Soviets was a bright and heartening phenomenon in a dark and dismal world. But Soviet Russia's success or failure, vastly important as it was as a practical experiment in establishing a communist state, did not affect the soundness of the theory of communism.

The Bolsheviks may blunder or even fail because of national or international reasons and yet the communist theory may be correct. On the basis of that very theory it was absurd to copy blindly what had taken place in Russia, for its application depended on the particular conditions prevailing in the country in question and the stage of its historical development.

Besides, India, or any other country, could profit by the triumphs as well as the inevitable mistakes of the Bolsheviks. Perhaps the Bolsheviks had tried to go too fast because, surrounded as they were by a world of enemies, they feared external aggression. A slower tempo might avoid much of the misery caused in the rural areas.

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See all customer images. Read reviews that mention must read discovery of india every indian indian history want to know jawaharlal nehru good book paper quality worth reading great book reading this book anyone who wants freedom struggle book for those who want india and the world read for every excellent book independent india indian history book also.

Top Reviews Most recent Top Reviews. There was a problem filtering reviews right now. Please try again later. Paperback Verified download. It's a classic. Irrespective of one's political beliefs the book provides the reader a penorma of Indian cultural and historical background. The book keeps aside the politics but takes the reader to the intense past of glorious India.

India reflected in its true diversity. Everyone should read this book, especially IAS aspirants.. Nehru has made history easy, by reading hundreds of books and producing this masterpiece.

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I cannot possible do justice review in a few words this great book and I am not capable enough to review such a great work as this. I can say Nehru was a genius and there is no doubt about it once one reads this book.

I thoroughly enjoyed reading this. It's a huge book around pages. This book will definitely shape the way we think about India and also life as such, since there is also lot of philosophy inthis book. This book would move you emotionally. In the era where people blindly ape the west, this book tries to take us to our roots just what the title of the book says.

It shows us how advanced a civilization indians were, when compared to the Greeks or Romans. What were the contributions of India to the world. It also tells us where and how we failed in the modern times and tries to explain what we need to do to reclaim that glory. This book touches everything from the harrappa mohenjodaro times to the time just before we got independence. This book combines history, philosophy and a little bit of biography as well. This book also discusses the problems faced by India, including that of partition and also the world issues.

It discusses the possible solutions to it. The epilogue is so poetic, emotional and beautiful, that it almost made me cry and I didn't want the book to end. This book deserves to be read more than once and should be read by every Indian. I would definitely do that. To me, this book opens the doors to the contemporary conception of 'India'.

For all intents and purposes, modern India is a Nehruvian conception.

This book makes it amply clear. And in that, whenever you need to understand what 'Indian' means, you will find no place to start, but here. The packaging and the book look like rats almost fed on them. I understand that there is a lot of processing that happens to bring our favourite books to us but I expect good quality from site. I have already bought lots of books from here and I have had no complaints. Nonetheless, the book is a true gem.

A must have for anyone interested in studying about India through the eyes of Pt. site Edition Verified download. I have learned so much about India form this book its outrageous. I mean I have really understood what India is This book is not political or political I will read it again in a year.

I bought the site version and did a lot of looking up of different historical places,things,people,religion,names,geography,races,castes,facts One must get clearly and deeply into this book to understand his real history. This book is his journey into the past of India from his memory and then to the future that he wants to see passing through his views on the contemporary situations. Nehru has given his personal opinions and he talks about future. He has very beautifully narrated the social, religious and economical structure of India since the beginning and effect of each dominion India has witnessed on each of these aspects.

He had also written about the role of science and religion, war and its effects, capitalism, internationalism, need for industrial revolution, socialism, democracy and number of other things. This book also give glimpses about working of Congress and its relationship with Gandhiji on several critical matters. One person found this helpful. See all reviews. Would you like to see more reviews about this item? Go to site. Back to top. Get to Know Us.

Word Wise: Enhanced Typesetting: Page Flip:This book is a really interesting read. They talk of Swaraj and independence in their councils but their minds are full of reservations and their acts are feeble and halting. A chronological perspective of history is attempted within this text.

All the world is watching her, some with fear and hatred, and others with passionate hope and longing to follow in her path. In , the Earl of Shelburne asked Priestley to serve as a sort of intellectual companion, tutor for the earl's offspring, and librarian for his estate, Bowood House. This book touches everything from the harrappa mohenjodaro times to the time just before we got independence.

Competent observers tell us that this rapid growth of population is largely due to a feeling of economic security among the people.

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